Who are these people, and where did they come from? This page traces each group and person in the recordings from their own materials and public reporting. Where a point rests only on DataRepublican's posts, we say so, so critics can't use a weak link to dismiss the strong ones. Researched Oct. 21, 2026.

The former-USAID network: Democracy Renewal Group, Renew American Democracy (RAD), Renew to Thrive (R2T), DemocracyAID

Founded: 2025, right after President Trump shut down USAID. Key people: Danielle Reiff, a retired U.S. diplomat who spent 20 years supporting democratic transitions abroad and founded the "Peacebuilders" initiative; Paul Zeitz, a physician and epidemiologist who founded #unifyUSA; and Rosarie "Ro" Tucci, formerly a leader of USAID's Democracy, Rights and Governance Center.

• Democracy Renewal Group calls itself a network of democracy and peacebuilding professionals from USAID and its partners. It offers U.S. groups research, training, pro bono consulting and "election-integrity organizing." Walt Roberts put its size at about 300 people on the March recording.
• DemocracyAID, co-created by Tucci and Reiff, was reported by NOTUS in July 2025 to be holding invite-only workshops on "noncooperation." NOTUS also reported plans for an eventual "massive strike" against the administration, and that participants were passing around the old CIA "Simple Sabotage" field manual, a guide to quietly gumming up an organization from the inside, to officials still in government. At the time it had no website or IRS registration.
• RAD describes itself as building "cross-partisan power" for "structural transformation." Its public flagship is a Nationwide Deliberation Campaign meant to produce a "People's Proposal" and a National Citizens' Assembly by the end of 2027. Reiff's Aug. 24, 2026 essay, "The Path to a Fourth Founding," calls for writing renewed terms of the social contract into the Constitution through a "legitimate, lawful process," and credits "disciplined nonviolence" as the model.
• In the Files: in public, the essays talk about a "legitimate, lawful process." In private, on the recordings, the same people talk about using a crisis to go "extra-constitutional." That gap between the public message and the private one is the heart of the story.

National Security Leaders for America (NSL4A)

Founded: launched in 2021 by its own account; IRS ruling year 2022. It is a 501(c)(4) based in Washington, D.C. Founder and president: Rear Adm. Michael E. "Mike" Smith, USN (Ret.), a Naval Academy graduate with 30+ years of service and combat tours from Desert Storm to Iraq, whose last post was president of the Navy's Board of Inspection and Survey. One Substack says he is also an executive at the Burdeshaw Associates defense-consulting firm; we could not confirm that.

• It describes itself as a nonpartisan coalition of former senior military, diplomatic and national-security officials, with 1,400–1,500 members in its releases. Zeitz said 1,600 on the recording.
• It calls itself nonpartisan, but its record is plainly anti-Trump. In September 2024, 741 members, including 230+ generals and admirals, endorsed Kamala Harris, and Smith called President Trump "an existential threat to everything I swore to defend." It issued statements against the Feb. 2025 firings of senior officers. In March 2026 it sent a letter to every state's election officials on military and overseas voting (UOCAVA).
• Toolkit on the mayors' site: NSL4A's "Toolkit for Elected Officials: Managing Potential Military Intervention in the Midterm Elections" is posted on the U.S. Conference of Mayors' election-security page under "From National Security Leaders for America" (we checked it Oct. 26). DataRepublican says it is byte-identical to NSL4A's copy and that a pre-release copy sits on the State Innovation Exchange site.
• In the Files: its Oct. 14 toolkit session with the Horizons Project ("Managing Military Intervention in the Midterms") and the Sept. 1 tabletop exercise. Zeitz says the United Democracy Alliance is "led under" NSL4A. DataRepublican ties NSL4A to the "illegal orders" messaging aimed at Secretary Hegseth. The Nov. 2025 video itself was made by six Democratic members of Congress (Sens. Kelly and Slotkin and Reps. Crow, Deluzio, Goodlander and Houlahan). We found no public source showing NSL4A's role in it, so this link rests on her own files for now.

Horizons Project, and the Erica Chenoweth connection

Founded: 2021 as a 12-month exploratory grant from Humanity United, run through PartnersGlobal. It became a standalone initiative in 2022, fiscally hosted by the New Venture Fund. Leaders: Julia Roig, its "Chief Network Weaver" and formerly CEO of PartnersGlobal for 13–14 years, and Maria J. Stephan, co-lead and "Chief Organizer."

• Its stated mission is to strengthen "connections and collective action among US pro-democracy movements," which in practice means the anti-Trump resistance. Roig promotes "big tent" organizing that pulls in churches, veterans, business and other groups.
• Stephan previously ran the nonviolent-action program at the government-funded U.S. Institute of Peace; a viral 2026 clip called her a "CIA regime change veteran." With Harvard's Erica Chenoweth she co-wrote Why Civil Resistance Works (2011), the study behind the "3.5% rule": historically, no campaign that got 3.5% of a country into sustained street protest failed to bring down or change its government. The cases studied were mostly movements to topple foreign governments. Applying that playbook to the United States is exactly what DataRepublican is warning about.
• In the Files: Roig speaks at the Oct. 14 NSL4A session. DataRepublican says Chenoweth conceived the United Democracy Alliance under Horizons' "Big Tent" initiative. The public record we found doesn't show that directly, but it does show the connection: Horizons is co-led by Stephan, Chenoweth's co-author. Her Oct. 22 primer adds the source: Reiff calling the UDA "Erica Chenoweth's project" on a June 4 call. Her own card notes that "no record shows Chenoweth running it."
• Abroad: Julia Roig and her husband, Enrique Roig (below), were billed to speak on the U.S. midterms at an event of Catalonia's Esquerra Republicana party on Oct. 27, 2026, four days after he met Catalonia's foreign minister. DataRepublican's Part 10 post calls that meeting one "between Horizons Project and Catalonia officials"; the records name him under his Human Rights First title.
• The money trail back to USAID: Roig ran PartnersGlobal for 13–14 years, and PartnersGlobal incubated Horizons. In 2023 the USAID democracy office's "largest single award to date," No. 7200AA23GR00053, went to a coalition led by PartnersGlobal. CANVAS, the Serbian group that trains activists in the Otpor model that toppled Milošević, was a member (per DataRepublican's Oct. 22 source cards). Smith says Horizons also started the UDA's Insurrection Act working group.

United Democracy Alliance (UDA)

There is no public record of it: no website, no roster, no filings. Everything known comes from the recordings and documents in her release:

• What it does: per Zeitz (Aug. 13), it is "a huge coalition of the blocking movement" with red lines and a situation room, "being led under" NSL4A. A Renew to Thrive organizer called it "a huge galaxy" (July 29, 2026). RAD's own plan hands its "Block" work to the UDA.
• Members: a UDA organizer's chat on June 4, 2026 lists No Kings, Indivisible, MoveOn and 50501.
• Chenoweth: Reiff called it "Erica Chenoweth's project" on a June 4, 2026 call. DataRepublican's own source card adds, "No record shows Chenoweth running it." So the documented link is Reiff's description, plus Horizons, co-led by Chenoweth's co-author Maria Stephan. Horizons staff were "reminding" the network of the 3.5% figure "as sort of a target number" (June 30, 2025). Her Part 6 shows how far the idea reaches: Scot Nakagawa, executive director of the 22nd Century Initiative, calls Chenoweth "a teacher" and says No Kings is "right up around that threshold" (April 27, 2026); Indivisible's Ezra Levin calls her "the intellectual foundation for a lot of the strategy of the last 20 months" (Sept. 25, 2026).
• Secrecy: its notes "are not public" (June 4, 2026). A chat note the same day: "things that are more on the DL for now like it seems the UDA might be." R2T's own comms pack for the Aug. 6 call is stamped "DRAFT, INTERNAL HOLD" and holds back "Specific descriptions of UDA, emergency-scenario planning, governor outreach." Reiff on Aug. 31, 2026: "It's secret," "very hush-hush."
• The red lines and the governors: Zeitz (Aug. 6) says the UDA has "identified four red lines for mobilization" and is building "a situation room." The four are never listed in anything she has released. RAD's governors paper is built around them: if "one of the UDA four red lines" is crossed, "governors then become the lead anchor for political power." Ro Tucci (Aug. 13): "There's a lot of red lines … they've got all these groups that would activate behind it."
• Inside the federal government: on the Aug. 6 call, Eric Manton of the Democracy Renewal Group wrote in the chat: "We are also starting to consult federal workers on how to do some blocking inside the govt agencies during emergency situations - but please do not put that on the form." Her Part 8 points to the Federal Workers Alliance for Democracy (below), and she labels that link her own inference. See the legal page.
• Who links RAD to it: Zeitz says he and Reiff are "liaisoning" through NSL4A's Mike Smith and are "active in the working group that Mike Smith leads," the Insurrection Act working group under the Horizons Big Tent, which he says "is linked to the UDA." On May 22 he named a UDA consultant the transcript renders "Charso Ramos"; DataRepublican identifies him, as her own identification, as most likely Tarso Ramos, former head of Political Research Associates.
• Status: Zeitz said it would launch publicly "in September-ish." As of Oct. 23, DataRepublican found "no public launch. No website, no member list, no leadership, no logo." Reiff (Aug. 31): "I don't even think they're all that organized themselves quite yet." Full recordings: Part 7.

Federal Workers Alliance for Democracy (FWAD)

Founded: 2025, against DOGE. Her Part 8 card says it was "formerly 'Federal Workers Against DOGE.'" InfluenceWatch describes it as "a left-of-center coalition of around 2,000 current and former federal employees and their supporters," co-founded in May 2025 by Beverly Schreiber, an Organizing for Action and NextGen America veteran, and a No Kings partner as of March 2026. Executive director: Jeremy Zitomer, who says on tape that he worked at the U.S. Digital Service ("the federal agency that turned into DOGE on day 1") and that his last government job was "equity practitioner at the Office of Management and Budget."

• What it does, by its own record: it endorses RAD's published strategy, sits on the steering committee of RAD's Nationwide Deliberation Campaign (with UCLA's CDLS and DRG), hosts the "People's Proposal" contact address on its own domain, and was slated for an election-meltdown tabletop exercise with RAD. Zitomer told a RAD forum in December 2025 he was "very excited to contribute to the 'block' pillar of this strategy." Reiff, Oct. 7, 2026: "They are primarily a massive blocking organization."
• Its "Resistance Menu" for federal employees, posted on its public website: "Hide threatened programs within bigger programs." "When orders keep changing back and forth, pick the one you want to follow." "Help run out the clock." "Develop selective hearing, forgetfulness, or blame your workload." "Practice malicious compliance." "Be subtle." "Practice deniability." The same page says "Do not engage in waste, fraud, abuse, or law-breaking."
• Its own boast: a February 2026 RAD proposal credits FWAD with "mobilizing thousands of workers across 60+ federal agencies" and "enabling workers to privately reverse numerous Executive Branch actions." DataRepublican marks that "a claim in the proposal. Not verified."
• Where the evidence stops: no one on the released calls names the workers Eric Manton said they were "starting to consult," and no recording shows an FWAD exercise actually running. DataRepublican says two current federal workers appear in the files; she withheld their names and gave them to contacts in their agencies.

The funders and the messengers

Her Part 9 ranks every private foundation in the IRS 990 grant records (2016–2024) by how many "lanes" of this world it pays for. No single funder owns it; a handful fund nearly all of it.

• Democracy Fund (founded by eBay's Pierre Omidyar; president Joe Goldman), Open Society Foundations and the Spitzer Trust fund all five lanes. Ford, MacArthur, Freedom Together, Hewlett and Mertz Gilmore fund four. Democracy Fund's 2024 grants include $500,000 for GovAct, Governors Safeguarding Democracy's program, and money for Future Currents, the Horizons Project and the 22nd Century Initiative; Ford gave $700,000 for the Horizons Project in 2022–23 (her 990 renderings).
• Their published strategy: on Dec. 5, 2025, Goldman, Open Society managing director Laleh Ispahani and Freedom Together president Deepak Bhargava told other funders in the Chronicle of Philanthropy to back "the independent authority of state and local governments," "Delegitimization of executive overreach," and "Embrace noncooperation," adding that "Creating a big tent coalition is critical." Nine months later, RAD's working paper built the same idea around governors.
• Future Currents (formerly Social and Economic Justice Leaders) commissioned the 2022 Chenoweth–Marks Harvard paper calling for "a united front" with "scenario-planning" capacity, and in August 2026 issued an "Election Red Lines Tabletop" guide (per her source cards).
• ASO Communications (Anat Shenker-Osorio) wrote the "Hands Off Our Vote" word list: "election sabotage," "election traitors," "Count Every Vote," "Voters Decided." On an Aug. 19 Indivisible training call, per her card, Shenker-Osorio said: "We call them election traitors because they in fact are."
• People in many rooms (her graded map): Marc Elias's firm represents the Democratic Governors Association, and Elias chaired Democracy Forward Foundation's board; Norm Eisen is executive chair of State Democracy Defenders, which ran the ESRN election-response network and paid Elias Law Group; ESRN's founder came from Indivisible; MoveOn's then-director sat on Eisen's board.
• Doug Oplinger, retired managing editor of the Akron Beacon Journal (40-plus years there; part of its Pulitzer-winning work) and leader of the Your Voice Ohio project (Ohio News Media Association). At RAD's Mar. 12, 2026 webinar, shown in her Part 14: "first we have to get people to mistrust the system," then "move people swiftly into despair and then to hope." A respected local newsman talking strategy at an activist coalition's webinar is exactly the "trust" problem her Part 14 is about.
• Her test for a hidden network found none: no shared phones, suites or bookkeepers among 32 network organization families, with right-leaning control groups overlapping more per pair.

Governors Safeguarding Democracy (GSD)

Founded: Nov. 13, 2024, a week after the presidential election, by Govs. J.B. Pritzker (Illinois) and Jared Polis (Colorado). It is backed by the Governors Action Alliance and funded by philanthropic donations. It calls itself nonpartisan, but Reuters reported it was created so mostly Democratic-led states could coordinate resistance to President Trump's policies. It promised "playbooks" to protect executive agencies, elections and state courts.

In the Files: Zeitz says RAD's options memo for governors went to GSD, and that GSD was "reviewing it and considering it." John Mongan said Illinois, Pritzker's own state, was interested if someone else would take the lead. We found no public statement from any governor about the memo. Reporters should be asking. On an April 10, 2026 call, Zeitz said: "Danielle and I met with Governor Safeguarding Democracy, which is a forum that convenes Democratic Governors right now," and that they were trying "to actually now connect with the people that give political legitimacy to these kind of processes" (Fathom transcript, in her Part 9).

Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) and the Marxist Unity Group

Founded: 1982, from the merger of Michael Harrington's Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee (1973) and the New American Movement. It had 5,000–8,000 members during Harrington's lifetime and grew to more than 70,000 after 2016. It now reports roughly 80,000–92,000 members. It left the Socialist International in 2017.

• Marxist Unity Group (MUG) grew out of the "Marxist Unity Slate" at DSA's 2021 convention and is rooted in the Leninist-leaning journal Cosmonaut. One of its Points of Unity calls for overthrowing the current U.S. Constitution in favor of a "democratic constitution," and DSA guides describe it the same way. At the 2025 convention it got three members onto national leadership. DSA's bylaws don't formally recognize caucuses.
• Record on violence: after the May 2025 murder of two Israeli embassy staffers at the Capital Jewish Museum, a DSA caucus signed a letter justifying the attack. The national organization and the New York chapter condemned the murders, and some members objected even to that.
• In the Files: MUG member Luke Pickrell, on the March recording, argued for an organization that is "explicitly anti-constitution." DataRepublican's earlier release (Oct. 18–19) concerned internal DSA material.

Indivisible, 50501 and No Kings

• Indivisible: founded in December 2016 by former Democratic congressional staffers Ezra Levin and Leah Greenberg, starting from a 23-page online guide to resisting the Trump agenda. It says it has been committed to nonviolence "from the start." Its April 2025 statement rejects all political violence, and its event rules require hosts to de-escalate. Levin says 150,000 people joined its first training on "strategic non-violent non-cooperation." Zeitz lists Indivisible among the UDA's groups (June 4, 2026), and Levin calls Chenoweth, the 3.5% rule's author, "a mentor and a guide throughout this process" (Sept. 25, 2026).
• 50501 ("50 protests, 50 states, 1 movement"): started as a Reddit post in late January 2025. Its first protests were Feb. 5, 2025. It is volunteer-run with no budget or party affiliation, and lists nonviolence and peaceful conflict resolution as core commitments.
• No Kings: a coalition of roughly 200 organizations, Indivisible and 50501 among them. Its national protest days were June 14, 2025 (2,000+ sites), Oct. 18, 2025 (organizers claimed more than 7 million people) and Mar. 28, 2026. In October 2026 it shifted toward turning out the vote.
• In the Files: Pickrell says the groups behind No Kings "support the Constitution." DataRepublican says the United Democracy Alliance coordinates 50501 and Indivisible, which is not shown in the recordings.

The foreign advisers' organizations (July 9 call)

• MEMO 98 (Slovakia): a media-monitoring group formed in 1998 to watch the Mečiar government's control of TV, radio and the press. Rasťo Kužel has led it since 1998. He has served on 28 OSCE/ODIHR election missions and has worked with the UN, the Council of Europe, IFES, NED and NDI. On screen, she cites MEMO 98's own site saying it launched "with support from" NDI.
• CRTA (Serbia): a citizen election-observation group that has monitored elections since 2016, with Raša Nedeljkov leading its observation missions. It found Serbia's December 2023 elections "neither free nor fair" and has pulled observers three times over safety concerns. DataRepublican says NDI and Open Society funded its first observation and that USAID and NED are listed as partners. We did not confirm this independently.
• Transparência Eleitoral Brasil: an election-transparency NGO coordinated by constitutional lawyer Ana Claudia Santano, who has worked with it since 2018. It sat on Brazil's electoral court transparency observatory in 2022. Pacto pela Democracia is a separate civil-society coalition. DataRepublican says it received a $100,000 Open Society grant in 2022.
• Edgar Ortiz Romero (Guatemala): a constitutional lawyer. On the call he described how litigation, combined with street mobilization, won in court in Guatemala's 2023 transition.
• Our check of Part 3: we confirmed MEMO 98's NDI start from its own site; the CRTA and Brazil funding ties rest on her on-screen cards. Two of the headlines she matched to the July 9 advice describe activity that started earlier: Senate Democrats' observer training (June 25) and a Milwaukee war-room meeting in May reported July 24. That fits her own point that this is a playbook already in use, not one meeting that caused everything.

Also at the table: the Jan. 15 forum and the Washington forum

• Steve Hobbs, Washington's Secretary of State and the state's chief election officer. A Democrat, he was appointed in 2021 and elected in 2022 and 2024. At a Sept. 8, 2026 forum, after Reiff described governors or former presidents providing "transitional leadership" if the federal government became "illegitimate," he said he had "these very same conversations" with German and Japanese officials about the AfD and a Japanese "right-wing nationalist organization that is threatening to democracy." DataRepublican says he declined to commit because "we're winning"; that line is not in the released clip.
• Steve Warnstadt, a former Democratic Iowa state senator (2003–2011) and Iowa Army National Guard officer, whom DataRepublican identifies as a retired brigadier general. RAD's Feb. 2026 chart lists "Steve W. (NSL4A)" as lead of Sub-WG 4, "Political Violence Scenario."
• Bryce Carpenter, former USAID technology official and Army veteran, co-lead of RAD's militarization work and "active in" NSL4A.
• Nadine Bloch, training director of Beautiful Trouble, which trains activists in nonviolent direct action, including blockades. She co-facilitated the militarization room and told the forum that beating back "authoritarians" means moving "into active non-compliance, active non-cooperation and disruptive activities."
• Other groups named by DataRepublican as represented on Jan. 15: Team Democracy, the Federal Workers Alliance for Democracy, Civil Service Strong, Project 2029, Braver Angels, Indivisible, Better Together America, the Center for Collaborative Democracy, Democracy Accelerator, Paths to Understanding, the Co-Intelligence Institute, Cohesion Strategy and Community-Vision Solutions.

• The idea: elect a small bloc of independents to a closely divided Congress, deny both parties a majority, and use their votes as a "fulcrum" for structural reforms. Zeitz's May 2026 concept note proposes "a Fulcrum Caucus campaign to elect a slate of independents to the U.S. House and deny both parties a majority." A "Campaign Action Plan: Independent Fulcrum Caucus (IFC)" scheduled a private Sept. 9 "Emergency Scenarios Briefing for Independents," "By Invitation." The briefing paper says the aim was to help candidates respond "swiftly, lawfully, and non-violently."
• Christopher Life, founder of the Independent National Convention (INC), said on an October 2024 call that he had invited "a group of leaders from across the independent space" to "put a block of independent candidates into Congress in 2026." His United Independents Campaign Fund, a super PAC, reported $79,300 in independent expenditures dated Oct. 16, 2026, for Osborn, Bengs, Todd Achilles and Bill Hill (FEC).
• Walt Roberts (Inter-Movement Impact Project, whose network became Renew to Thrive) told Life in September 2023 that stopping the "MAGA GOP" was "job one" and the two-party "duopoly" was "very secondary right now."
• Austen Campbell was field director for Dan Osborn's 2024 Senate campaign. By May 2025 he was with the Independent National Coalition, aiming to "deny both political parties the majority in the House," and "rejoining Walt's leadership group." RAD's March 2026 emergency-plan draft lists him as "Interested / Proposed" for its advisory group's steering group. In February 2026, Zeitz said he had moved to Boise to support Todd Achilles.
• The Senate candidates named on the calls (being named is not evidence of wrongdoing):
  • Brian Bengs (South Dakota, vs. Sen. Mike Rounds), the 2022 Democratic nominee, now an independent. He spoke at RAD's July 16 forum and, per Zeitz, attended the Sept. 9 briefing. The Democratic nominee, Julian Beaudion, withdrew Aug. 4 after some Democrats urged him to step aside for Bengs; the state party named no replacement and does not endorse Bengs (South Dakota Searchlight).
  • Dan Osborn (Nebraska, vs. Sen. Pete Ricketts) is on none of the calls. Life lists him among his candidates, and Bengs says they are "kind of coordinated." DataRepublican: "Nothing we found connects Osborn to these scenarios."
  • Todd Achilles (Idaho, vs. Sen. Jim Risch) was introduced at the July 16 forum but does not speak on the recording.
  • Seth Bodnar (Montana), former University of Montana president, is on Life's Sept. 11 list and Bengs's "in communication" list. He is not heard on any recording.

Seed the Vote and Freedom Trainers: a private count and a recognition scenario (published plans, reported Oct. 29)

• Seed the Vote sends volunteers to knock doors in swing races. Its home page claims 17,000+ volunteers, 855,000+ doors and 25+ partner organizations, "Paid for by Everyday People." On May 18, 2026, organizing director Dylan Cooke published its "Fight, Win, Prove, and Enforce" plan: "parallel vote counting infrastructure, separate from the government, to validate election results," which "legal partners" are "looking at building," then "an infrastructure of mass noncooperation across the country." He writes that they will be "fully prepared after the election to enforce the results."
• Hardy Merriman, whom Seed the Vote credits for the framework, was by his own biography a senior technical adviser to USAID's "Powered by the People" program (2023–2025), president of the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict, and a nonresident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council (2022–2024).
• Freedom Trainers posts "Election Defense Scenarios: How We Keep Their Hands Off Our Vote" (2nd ed., 2026) by Daniel Hunter, with messaging guidance by ASO Communications (Anat Shenker-Osorio, Genevieve Arnold and Jay Marcellus), the firm behind the "Hands Off Our Vote" word list in Part 9. Its Scenario 16, for a Congress that refuses to seat winners, says "Gain international recognition" and "Organize daily rallies and strikes at the Capitol until the winners are seated." The Jan. 15 forum notes in Part 4 list a "Nadine" of Freedom Trainers / Beautiful Trouble.
• How it surfaced: Natalie Winters, Oct. 29. These are the groups' own published documents, not DataRepublican's recordings; nothing in her releases so far names Seed the Vote.

European Parliament money and the anti-MAGA roundtable (reported Oct. 29)

A different direction from Part 10: not the U.S. network reaching out to foreign governments, but foreign-government money helping fund the "resistance." Reported by Natalie Winters on Oct. 29 — co-host of Steve Bannon's War Room and a National Pulse investigative reporter — and endorsed the next day by DataRepublican, who said it is "plugging a lot of holes in the Democracy Files from a different direction." The details below are from Winters's report and the event agenda she cites.

• The meeting: a closed-door June 3, 2026 roundtable on "resistance to Trump and MAGA" ahead of the U.S. midterms which, per the agenda, ran with "financial support of the European Parliament." It examined where Democratic Party, activist and NGO resistance was working and how European progressives could learn from it and strengthen "transatlantic cooperation."
• Katarina Barley, a German Social Democrat (SPD) and a Vice-President of the European Parliament, convened it.
• The Foundation for European Progressive Studies (FEPS), the EU-level foundation of the European socialist parties, and Germany's Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, the political foundation tied to the SPD, organized it.
• Cas Mudde, a University of Georgia professor, gave the keynote, per the organizers' recap. Winters notes he had publicly argued that Democratic victories could "make Trump a much weaker president for the rest of his second term."
• Why it fits the plan: Part 10 showed RAD budgeting to get "Heads of State" and the EU "ready to recognize" its "legitimate" process. This is the same transatlantic channel seen from the European end — a foreign parliament's money paying to coordinate the anti-MAGA resistance. See the law page for where that is, and is not, a legal problem.

PolicyLink and the "Governing for All" blueprint (Part 13)

From Part 13. Titles follow her captions; her funding figures are unverified.

• What it is: a nonprofit that DataRepublican says takes in more than $50 million a year. Advisor Tom Silverman on an Aug. 13 call: "PolicyLink is a governing institution," "redesigning federal agencies, like for the next administration."
• People she names: President Ashleigh Gardere (identified by her from voice and context), vice president of governance Judith Dangerfield (per Renew to Thrive's drafts), senior advisor Josh Kirschenbaum, web-series host Baratunde Thurston, and Radhika Fox, who went from PolicyLink to President Biden's EPA and back.
• The tie to RAD's circle: competition as much as coordination. Renew to Thrive's sprint plan aimed at PolicyLink's summit as "a funder-dense environment"; Paul Zeitz calls the blueprint "proprietary"; Danielle Reiff says Renew to Thrive is "essentially the exact same thing, just with different names."
• Already inside the government once: PolicyLink's president wrote to supporters on May 13, 2022 that "we, together with Race Forward, worked with the Department of Housing and Urban Development to assess the impact of their policies and practices on communities of color," and "conducted equity trainings for their employees" (PolicyLink email). That was for HUD's first Equity Action Plan, released in April 2022. DataRepublican's book adds that OMB adopted PolicyLink's recommendations and that HHS uses its National Equity Atlas; we could not confirm either.
• Where the evidence stops: this is a plan to staff and redesign government after winning it, with "2029" as the date one organizer gives. Nothing shown describes taking power outside an election. DataRepublican's own read is that "nobody needs a conductor."

The 14th Amendment Center and a Supreme Court "not talismanic" argument

Surfaced by a thread from @Andreafreedom76 that DataRepublican reposted Nov. 8; we treat this as reposted, not endorsed in her own words, and independently confirmed the organizations, the grant and the two symposiums before adding it here. Not from her recordings.

• What it is: the 14th Amendment Center for Law and Democracy, launched March 2025 at Howard University School of Law by law professor Sherrilyn Ifill (former president of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund), who is its founding director. It held a second annual symposium at Howard in April 2026 and co-hosted a third event, "We the People: Lessons from the Unsung Re-Founders of Our Nation," in Baltimore in October 2026 with the University of Maryland's Gibson-Banks Center for Race and the Law — all confirmed on the Center's and Howard's own pages.
• The funding tie to PolicyLink: the Packard Foundation gave the Center a $1.5 million, three-year grant in 2025 (confirmed on packard.org) and has separately backed PolicyLink (above). Ifill herself bridges the two: she spoke at the 2026 PolicyLink Summit, "We Are the Founders," and PolicyLink posted her talk, "Sherrilyn Ifill on the 14th Amendment and a lineage of founders," on its own YouTube channel — confirmed.
• The mechanism, per the reposted thread: at the October Baltimore symposium, Ifill is quoted arguing the Supreme Court's size of nine justices is "not talismanic," that Congress has historically set the Court's size, and that expansion paired with changes to the nomination and confirmation process would address "legitimacy and capacity issues." Other named panelists: Georgetown's Dorothy A. Brown on a reparations "cash plus" approach, the Sentencing Project's Nicole D. Porter on ending felony disenfranchisement, the NAACP Legal Defense Fund's Deuel Ross on Louisiana v. Callais and majority-minority districts, and Black Voters Matter's LaTosha Brown on "we the power." Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-MD) spoke at the Center's April 2026 symposium. These specific quotes and the Raskin-Ifill friendship claim are from the reposted thread, not independently confirmed by us beyond the symposiums themselves.
• Where the evidence stops: Congress does have the constitutional power to set the Supreme Court's size (it has changed it before, most recently in 1869), so arguing for it is a lawful, if consequential, political position, not a plan to act outside the Constitution. Nothing shown ties the Center to RAD, the UDA or any of the "emergency scenarios" material; the tie documented here is a shared major funder and one shared speaker with PolicyLink, which DataRepublican's Part 13 already places in the "new founding" lane of groups "all reaching for the same pen."

Pace e Bene: a published "shutdown" playbook (reported Oct. 31)

A parallel group, reported by Natalie Winters on Oct. 31 and reposted by DataRepublican. Not shown in her recordings or tied to RAD/UDA.

• What it is: Pace e Bene Nonviolence Service, and its Campaign Nonviolence project, is a long-running nonviolence-training nonprofit ("Building a culture of active nonviolence," in its own words). Winters reports that its own organizing documents turn protest into a plan to interrupt daily economic life.
• The sequence (per Winters): in February it urged activists to use No Kings as a "trial run" to test their organizing capacity and build toward a May strike; by a Sept. 8 message it was promoting a "shutdown checklist" for the midterms, including food reserves and coordinated workplace absences and possible school closures; an Oct. 6 message named Georgia, Michigan, Texas, Ohio, Arizona and Washington, D.C. as places to watch; and an October message called for sustained picketing and staying away from work, shopping and school "until this crisis is resolved," addressing election officials, state attorneys general and judges.
• Its hypothetical triggers: results not certified in Michigan, a winner not seated in Ohio, ballots seized in Georgia.
• Where the evidence stops: these are the group's own published documents, read and reported by Winters; we have not independently verified them. A general strike or economic boycott is lawful First Amendment activity, and nothing shown connects Pace e Bene to the DRG/RAD/UDA network in the Files.

The "resist unlawful orders" campaign and the Hegseth impeachment (Part 15)

From Part 15 (Nov. 5) and public reporting. The documented facts — the articles of impeachment, the House vote, the "Seditious Six" video and the Pentagon and FBI probes — are confirmed in outside reporting, linked below. The claim that the impeachment is a coordinated "Trojan horse" is DataRepublican's read.

• The throughline. DataRepublican traces one idea across the movement's own materials: make obeying "unlawful orders" risky. A 2020 "Hold the Line" guide put it in writing; a June 30, 2025 Renew to Thrive breakout practiced talking "police officers, ICE agents, National Guardsmen" into "down[ing] their arms"; Renew American Democracy's June 2026 strategy says to "discourage the execution of unlawful orders"; and a September 2026 RAD working paper, "Vehicles for Democratic Renewal," wants "a public reference point for refusing an unlawful order: the line has already been named by elected officials of both parties." A Freedom Trainers "Noncooperation Tip Sheet" (Feb. 27, 2026) lists pressure "from inside, like Sen. Mark Kelly and others' video calling on soldiers to resist unlawful orders."
• Sen. Mark Kelly (D-AZ), a retired Navy captain. On Nov. 18, 2025 he and five other Democratic members of Congress posted a video telling service members they can refuse "illegal orders." President Trump called them "traitors" and Secretary Hegseth called them the "Seditious Six." The Pentagon opened an investigation into Kelly and moved to cut his retirement rank; the FBI opened an inquiry into the other five. In Part 15's cold open, from The Atlantic Festival (Sept. 2026, C-SPAN), Kelly says "six of those eight articles are about Pete Hegseth following illegal orders from the President."
• Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY), a libertarian-leaning Republican often at odds with President Trump, wrote the eight articles of impeachment and read the 34-page resolution on the House floor Sept. 15, 2026. Massie is also the one who, asked by Responsible Statecraft "why didn't you just go after Trump?", answered that impeaching Trump is not "politically feasible… or even advisable," and his Nov. 5 post calls his resolution "a much gentler version of what's coming when Dem's control Congress." He is forcing a lame-duck House vote (expected the week of Nov. 9). Nothing shown ties him to the network; his articles rest on the War Powers Resolution.
• Rep. Adam Smith (D-WA), incoming House Armed Services chair, backs impeaching both Hegseth and Trump and said Hegseth has "a bigger chance of getting a stronger bipartisan vote… building momentum," adding "there are Republicans who would support impeaching Hegseth who might not support doing it to Trump." That is the clearest on-the-record support for DataRepublican's "Hegseth first, then Trump" reading, though it is a statement of political strategy, not of coordination with the network.
• Larry Krasner, Philadelphia District Attorney, appeared on Renew to Thrive's own "Action This Day" series (July 2026): officials and veterans must be reminded "that they cannot obey an unlawful order, that they will be prosecuted in many circumstances if they obey an unlawful order."
• Sen. Thom Tillis (R-NC) is the kind of Republican the plan would need: "I'm glad the president did what he did in Iran. I'm not glad that he has Hegseth advising him on the details." Removing Hegseth would take 67 Senate votes; Democrats are projected to hold 54–56, so 11–13 Republicans would be needed.
• Where the evidence stops. The impeachment of a Cabinet officer, a House vote and a Senate trial are the Constitution's own process; calling an order "unlawful" is protected speech. The documented chain shows a movement that has urged the security forces to refuse "unlawful orders" for years, and an impeachment that puts the President's orders on trial. It does not show that Massie, a Republican who says he opposes impeaching Trump, coordinated with that movement. See the law page.

The 2026 turnout machine: how the midterms were won (Part 16)

From Part 16 (Nov. 7), "Too Big to Rig." This is a different strand from the rest of this page: not a plan to declare the election illegitimate, but the get-out-the-vote operation that DataRepublican says produced the 2026 Democratic wins. She is emphatic that "most of it is legal"; what she documents is the scale, the money, and how the groups described it to their own donors. Quotes are from the audio of her video (transcribed) or from filings and donor slides she shows; dollar and door figures are hers, read from FEC/IRS filings and the groups' own materials.

• The money pipe — Movement Voter Project / Movement Voter PAC. Founder Billy Wimsatt ran donor briefings before and after the vote ("We said the core strategy was to make it too big to rig… We delivered"), an October 2025 "Comeback Plan" asking donors to "recruit and train tens of thousands of organizers and millions of volunteers," and a re-granting operation that by its own count sent "$34 million to more than 300 groups in 38 states." Its site states the Project (a c4) and the PAC are "separate organizations" (FEC ID C00728360). On the PAC side it is openly partisan: "flipping the Senate is now our number one priority."
• The donor hubs and budgets. Way to Win named a "19M for 19M" campaign targeting "the 19 million people who voted in 2020 and stayed home in 2024." Heather Booth's Battleground Alliance ("more than 120 groups") told donors to expect "a $50 million effort," ~55% for field. MoveOn announced a "$27 million" recruit-and-mobilize program; Joel Payne of MoveOn Political Action later put the figure at "$27 million." The MacArthur Foundation committed "$100 million to democracy work with an eye toward November's elections" (itemizing $34.25M to seven, mostly legal, grantees), while union 527s (AFSCME, which "raised $41 million by June," SEIU, AFT) and the Movement Voter PAC, which "more than doubled" over 2022, carried the political money.
• The fronts and the groups named. Doors: CFFE PAC ($21.5M in FEC canvass spending), the Progressive Turnout Project ($18M), and the Ohio Organizing Campaign (Molly Shack). Registration: State Voices (Alexis Anderson-Reed: "more than 500,000 new voters… over 26 million contacts"), the Voter Participation Center (a c3; "4.7 million registration applications in June") and its c4 sister the Center for Voter Information, with Democratic pollster Celinda Lake on targeting. Youth: the Georgia Youth Justice Coalition (Melody Oliphant: "flipped the seat by more than 1,200 votes after we knocked more than 19,000 doors"). Faith: Interfaith America's "Vote is Sacred" fellows and Bishop William J. Barber II (Repairers of the Breach, "digital outreach to 3.5 million poor and low wage infrequent voters"). Lawyers/observers: the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights (Ambar Zobairi), SMART Elections' "Count the Vote" (Lulu Friesdat, "around 900 observers… in 47 states"), the ACLU (Deirdre Schifeling, "surge election observers"), and the Democracy Resilience Group's "HALO" veterans-at-polls pilots in OH/PA/GA (Eric Manton, already on these pages via the DRG). Protest→vote: Indivisible (Leah Greenberg), No Kings' "Vote Early" day ("nearly 3,000 events"), and Philadelphia DA Larry Krasner (speaking for himself). Partisan field: Texas Organizing Project PAC (Brianna Brown, "scaling black turnout" for James Talarico), the NAACP's c4 (Dominik Whitehead), and NSL4A, whose captured endorsements she tallies as "55 Democrats, one independent, no Republicans." The post-election "victory lap" was taken by No Kings (Ash-Lee Woodard Henderson) and Ezra Levin, who credited the "too big to rig" slogan to LaTosha Brown of Black Voters Matter.
• Independent confirmation, after the vote. CNN's KFILE reported Nov. 13 that a previously unknown super PAC, Our Heritage Matters, registered with the FEC on Oct. 15 — one day after the last pre-election disclosure deadline, meaning its donors stay secret until Dec. 3 — and went on to spend more than $8.5 million across 61 House and Senate races: $4.4 million boosting 25 third-party candidates and $3.5 million opposing 35 Republican candidates. In Kansas it spent on Libertarian David Graham against Sen. Roger Marshall, a race Democrat Adam Hamilton won 51%–46%, the state's first Democratic senator since 1932; in Iowa it spent on Libertarian Thomas Laehn. We confirmed the committee (FEC ID C00963736, registered Oct. 15, 2026, treasurer Mike McCauley of Salt Lake City) directly in FEC records. DataRepublican reposted the KFILE story with "Yes." This is a concrete, named instance of exactly what Part 16 describes in general — big late money moving voters in close races without disclosure until after the result is final — though CNN's report, not one of her own recordings, is the source, and nothing ties Our Heritage Matters to the specific groups named in Part 16.
• Where the evidence stops. This is, on her own account, lawful political organizing: registration drives, canvassing, poll-watching, union and PAC spending reported to the FEC, and c3/c4/PAC structures that she notes are "separate legal entities with different rules" — "no allegation." Her map is "a floor, not a full count," the "217 million doors" figure is "a ceiling" that includes candidate campaigns, c3 charity grant records are "not visible yet," and she warns that "matching targets alone doesn't show joint planning." Her larger claim — that this machine, not fraud, is what produced the 2026 result — is her read of the data, not a finding anyone has audited; she says she does "NOT deny the existence of voter fraud," only that her data does not show what some others claim. The one point that touches the law is partisan work done under a charity's shared brand name; she makes no accusation that any c3 broke the rules. Our Heritage Matters is legal too — super PACs may spend freely and disclose later — but it shows the "scale" argument can include late, undisclosed spoiler money as well as open NGO organizing.

The written response to a seating fight: the Transition Integrity Project and the "when the Rubicon is crossed" document (Special Edition)

From her Nov. 8 Special Edition. These are documents she shows on screen, not recordings of a call. We quote them as her material; the point of the drop is that the other side has written down, in advance, what it would do if an election result were rejected.

• The Transition Integrity Project (2020). She shows that this group "war-gamed a disputed election with 67 players, including career federal employees," and that its report concluded "this may well be a street fight, not a legal battle." In one scenario, she says, "the Biden team encouraged California, Oregon, and Washington to secede from the Union unless Republicans agreed to structural reforms." The report, she notes on screen, was published by Judicial Watch. Bill Kristol, she adds, was "a player in that 2020 war game," and wrote in The Bulwark on April 20, 2026 that "early in 2027, Congress should take responsibility and remove him from office."
• The April 2026 "when the Rubicon is crossed" document. An organizing document circulated in April 2026 carries a section headed, "in their words," "when the Rubicon is crossed." Its triggers, as shown: "if duly elected leaders are not seated" and "if certification is suspended through delay." Its response: "occupations of capitols, general strikes, the daily order of things suspended," "permits for January 3rd and 4th in DC," "governors and mayors who have already decided what they will do," and "a strategy that has to run through February and March of 2027." It dovetails with Indivisible's published toolkit — if "Trump and his allies try refusing to seat the election winners, they will be ready to mobilize for large-scale protests" — and with Indivisible's Leah Greenberg on an October national call describing a "rapid response" that puts "people out on the streets within 24 to 48 hours" and "continues until that demand is met."
• Where the evidence stops. These are contingency plans for a result's being rejected, written before the vote. After a Democratic win, their trigger — a refusal to certify or to seat — would have to be pulled by the President's side, which is the move DataRepublican is warning her own readers against. Protest, strikes and petitioning are lawful; the line would be crossed only if any of it turned to the occupation or blocking of government by force. Nothing shown says the plans have been activated.

The "re-founding" step goes public: the Nationwide Deliberation Campaign launches Nov. 16–20

A reader thread by @Andreafreedom76 flagged this, and DataRepublican reposted it with her own words — "This series is still going on. We need to learn to recognize all the directions that the assault on our Republic is coming from." We independently confirmed the campaign, its dates, its partner list and its organizers on NCDD's own site and on RAD co-coordinator Paul Zeitz's Substack before adding this.

• What is launching: from Nov. 16–20, 2026, AllSides is hosting eight free, hour-long online "Roundtables" called "What Comes Next? Renewing American Democracy." NCDD's own announcement and Paul Zeitz's own Substack post, "You're Invited: Once the Election Is Over, What Comes Next?", both confirm this is the public kickoff of the Nationwide Deliberation Campaign — the same campaign already named on the Plan page as the vehicle for a "People's Proposal" and a National Citizens' Assembly by January 2028. What was a plan in the recordings is now a dated, public event.
• Who is actually running it: Zeitz's own post names himself and Danielle Reiff — RAD's co-coordinators, already the central figures of Parts 1–9 — as the campaign's organizers. Its confirmed partner list includes Renew to Thrive and the Federal Workers Alliance for Democracy, both already on these pages, alongside new names: the National Coalition for Dialogue & Deliberation (NCDD), Mediators Foundation, Better Together America, Peacebuilders, the Center for Collaborative Democracy, Issue One, Sortition USA and UCLA's Center for Developing Leadership in Science. The "roundtables" and "deliberation" language is new; the people and groups running it are the same ones in the recordings.
• The new recruiting arm: NCDD's Practitioner Mobilization for Democracy (PMD), launched in July 2024, recruits professional mediators and facilitators into this work. Its executive director, Keiva Hummel (also NCDD's executive director), and planning contact Duncan Autrey run it; Joan Blades, co-founder of Living Room Conversations, gave the keynote at its 2024 launch (confirmed on NCDD's own site). Autrey also writes for Walt Roberts's Renew to Thrive/Thriving Together US newsletter — Roberts is already on these pages as the Inter-Movement Impact Project founder who told the independent-candidate track that stopping "the MAGA GOP" was "job one" (see above).
• Its own stated timeline: per NCDD and Zeitz, the Nov. 16–20 roundtables feed two national reports due in December 2026, then starting January 2027 the campaign moves through five layers — community conversations, digital platforms, deliberative polling, state citizens' assemblies, and a national citizens' assembly — toward the "People's Proposal" by 2028.
• Where the evidence stops. Running public roundtables, publishing reports and drafting a reform proposal are lawful advocacy and speech, whatever one thinks of the goal. What makes this significant is not the method but the people: the campaign the files describe only as a future plan is now a scheduled, named, publicly promoted event, run by the same RAD/Renew to Thrive leadership this series has tracked since Part 1. DataRepublican's own point in reposting it stands: "the same players under a new veneer," in the words of the thread she amplified — though that characterization of the AllSides/NCDD roundtables as a "coup" rebranding is the thread author's reading, not a documented fact.

Who they are. The former officials in these recordings spent their careers in "democracy promotion," the taxpayer-funded business of paying for election observers, activist coalitions and "democratic transitions" in other countries. That is the point of DataRepublican's Part 3: the same people are now running the same playbook on the United States. The military figures are not ex-USAID. They are long-retired officers who went political.

Why the USAID group lost their jobs. President Trump closed the whole agency; nobody was singled out:

• Jan. 20, 2025: foreign aid was frozen by executive order.
• Early Feb.: most staff were put on leave, and at least 1,600 U.S.-based employees were laid off.
• Feb. 11: USAID's inspector general, Paul Martin, was fired.
• Mar. 28: the remaining roughly 900 employees received reduction-in-force notices, about 5,200 contracts were ended, and the leftover functions were moved to the State Department.
• July 1, 2025: USAID formally ceased to exist.

The administration's stated reasons: "decades of mismanagement," an agency that "strayed from its original mission and became a bloated, taxpayer-funded nonprofit," and "billions and billions of dollars in waste, fraud and abuse." Secretary Rubio said State and DOGE reviewed 6,500 programs in six weeks.

The other side: USAID's defenders, including the inspector general President Trump fired, told NPR the administration offered little proof of fraud, and some legal experts argued only Congress can close an agency it funded.

Bottom line: they weren't fired one by one for misconduct; we found no record of that. President Trump shut down their agency, and within months they were organizing against him: workshops on "noncooperation," talk of a "massive strike," and now plans for a "legitimacy crisis." The retired brass were never pushed out at all. They retired years ago, and their group endorsed Kamala Harris.