Short answer: the groups named in the Files are building and running the machinery: organizing the protests, training thousands of people to confront ICE, setting up a "war room," taking plans to governors, publishing a guide for federal workers to slow-walk orders from inside their agencies, getting their toolkit for elected officials onto the U.S. Conference of Mayors' website, planning outreach to foreign "Heads of State" so they are "ready to recognize" the movement's idea of a "legitimate" outcome, publishing a plan for a private "parallel vote count" to "validate" the results and then "mass noncooperation" to "enforce" them, briefing independent candidates for Congress in private on their "emergency scenarios," running a years-long campaign to get the security forces to refuse "unlawful orders," and taking in millions of dollars from the same few big foundations. The same months brought riots, arson and armed attacks on ICE. People connected to these networks have been arrested. A court has not yet tied any group named in the Files directly to the arson or assaults, and the federal money investigations are still open. DataRepublican's own Part 9 also found no hidden central office: what ties the groups together is shared funders, a published strategy, one word list and a few people in many rooms. A separate strand, from her Part 16 (Nov. 7), is the thing these same networks did in the open and lawfully: a massive 2026 get-out-the-vote operation — she maps "178 entries" of NGOs, unions, PACs and foundations — that she says, not fraud, is what produced the Democratic wins. And her Nov. 8 Special Edition adds one more documented item: written contingency plans — a 2020 Transition Integrity Project war-game and an April 2026 organizing document headed "when the Rubicon is crossed" — for occupying capitols and calling general strikes "if duly elected leaders are not seated." Those are plans for a response to a seating fight, not actions taken, and after a Democratic win their trigger could only be pulled by the President's side (see After the election and Who). And the "re-founding" step that was only a plan in the recordings is now a public, dated event: the same RAD leadership's Nationwide Deliberation Campaign holds its public launch Nov. 16–20 under the AllSides/NCDD banner (see Who).

What each group has done.

What happened on the ground, 2025–2026.

• Los Angeles, June 2025: after ICE raids began June 6, rioters blocked the 101 Freeway, burned cars and at least four Waymos, and hit officers with rocks and fireworks. More than 575 people were arrested, and President Trump sent in the National Guard.
• Portland ICE facility, from June 2025: a months-long siege. Six people were federally charged over June 18–19 alone: assaulting officers, blinding them with lasers, striking an agent with a shield, and trying to trap agents inside. One defendant convicted later had been in Rose City Antifa for nearly a decade.
• Prairieland ICE center, Texas, July 4, 2025: an ambush with fireworks and gunfire, in which Alvarado police Lt. Thomas Gross was shot. Eight people were convicted of rioting, explosives charges and material support to terrorists. The shooter was also convicted of attempted murder, a ninth person of concealing evidence, and seven more pleaded guilty. The Justice Department calls them a "North Texas Antifa Cell."
• Broadview, Illinois, fall 2025: about 80 arrests after barricades went up, five people federally charged with assaulting or resisting agents, and four officers hurt in one clash.
• Minneapolis, January 2026: more than 100 arrests. Fifteen members of Direct Action Minnesota were charged with conspiracy to impede officers, stalking, threats and assault, including running a public database of ICE vehicles and plates. Nine more were indicted in Spokane for assaulting federal officers.
• No Kings, June 14, 2025: in Salt Lake City, a volunteer "peacekeeper" opened fire and killed a bystander, Arthur Folasa Ah Loo.

The money and the bail.

• Minnesota: the Legal Rights Center, a nonprofit about two-thirds funded by government grants ($5.7 million from 2021 to 2024) and once run by Attorney General Keith Ellison, promoted a People's Bail Fund taking "ICE protest cases." The Headwaters Foundation for Justice has given $3.3 million since 2014 to groups now monitoring or protesting ICE.
• Los Angeles: Jail Support LA ran a bail fund for those arrested. Sen. Hawley and the House Judiciary Committee are investigating whether CHIRLA, which holds millions in government grants, gave "logistical support and financial resources" to the rioters. CHIRLA denies it.
• Federal investigations: House Oversight is looking at China-linked billionaire Neville Singham's money behind the Party for Socialism and Liberation. Under President Trump's antifa terrorism designation and NSPM-7, the FBI, IRS and Treasury are tracing the money behind political violence, including nonprofits. None of these has reported findings yet.

Where the evidence stops. Many of the protest prosecutions have since fallen apart. Charges were dropped in the "Broadview Six" case and in some Minneapolis cases. We found no charging document or court record yet showing that protesters were paid; the FBI and Treasury money investigations could change that. We have not seen a court tie DSA, Indivisible, 50501, NSL4A or RAD to a specific act of arson or assault. Nor have we seen a record of any federal worker actually blocking a lawful order: the "Resistance Menu" is advice, the FWAD exercise was planned, not shown to run, and the "privately reverse" claim is FWAD's own. Nor is there a hidden command center: DataRepublican compared the groups' tax-form phone numbers, offices and bookkeepers and found none shared, with right-leaning groups overlapping just as much, and she calls the states' lawsuits and Guard decisions "lawful federalism." The foreign-government track is the same story: written down and budgeted, called unfunded in the group's own notes, with one meeting on the public record that no document in the files connects to it. The parallel vote count is a plan on paper: Seed the Vote's own words are that "legal partners" are "looking at building" it, and the Freedom Trainers scenario depends on a Congress refusing to seat winners. The independent-candidate track is lawful politics: the record shows candidates briefed on the emergency scenarios and a super PAC spending in public, but no recording of what the candidates were told and nothing showing that any candidate signed on to the emergency plan. The Hegseth impeachment is lawful too: it is the Constitution's own process, brought by a Republican on War Powers grounds, and no document ties it to the network. What the "resist unlawful orders" chain documents is a pattern, not a crime — a movement that urged the security forces to refuse "unlawful orders" for years, and now an impeachment that puts the President's orders on trial. What the record does show is that they built the organization, the training, the money and the political plan, and that confrontations with ICE kept following. The 2026 turnout machine in Part 16 is the clearest case of where the evidence stops short of a crime: it is lawful get-out-the-vote work, reported to the FEC and the IRS, and DataRepublican herself says "most of it is legal" and that her data shows turnout, not fraud, produced the result. Her figures are her own readings of the filings, the charity (c3) grant records are not yet public, and "matching targets alone doesn't show joint planning." CNN's Nov. 13 report on Our Heritage Matters, confirmed independently in FEC records, is a real, named example of money moving late and without disclosure — but it is a separate super PAC from anything in her recordings, its spending was legal, and nothing ties it to the groups named in the Files.

Why it matters. Even with no violence at all, the plan in the recordings would declare an elected government illegitimate, have governors "wall off" federal officials, enlist career staff to "run out the clock" on the elected President, and re-found the country "extra-constitutionally." None of that is constitutional. Their election plan is the honest part, and voters should look at it closely: a handful of independents in a 50–50 Senate, coached by the same people who wrote the emergency scenarios, could decide who controls Congress. It doesn't take a conductor: when the same foundations fund every lane and the same word list goes to every group, hundreds of organizations can move as one on election night. Watch for a private "parallel count" that disagrees with the official canvass: Seed the Vote's own order is count, then "mass outrage," then "mass noncooperation," the order it says worked in Venezuela and Serbia. Watch who says "voters decided," and when, and which foreign governments say it with them: their own paper wants "allied governments" to know "what a legitimate result looks like before one is disputed" and to "apply pressure on the executive," meaning the President the American people elected. And NSL4A is preparing people for standoffs with federal troops at polling places, after a year that showed how fast a crowd can turn on the officers in front of it. The same effort runs toward the chain of command itself: peel the police, the Guard and the military away from the President by teaching them that his orders are "unlawful," then, as Part 15 argues, use an impeachment that charges exactly that to put the President's orders on trial. Impeachment is lawful and the movement's hand in it is unproven, but the direction is worth watching. And Part 16 is a useful corrective in the other direction: the biggest single reason the Democrats won in 2026, on DataRepublican's own reading, was not fraud but a legal, lavishly funded turnout operation that the right did not match. Her lesson for conservatives is organizational, not criminal — build the same ground game — and it is worth taking at face value.